The Tangle Of Catalonia In Basque Oasis
2021-02-14 | by CusiGO
A good story about 14-F should start with quilab, a summer resort in Puyol, not far from Andorra, in the Pyrenees. Or near the Plaza Francesc MACI á in exemple, Barcelona, near the headquarters of the herald, which once seemed to sponsor the Catalan bourgeoisie’s journey from senny to Lausa. Or diagonally down, on the tower of La Caesar, after a long silence, he finally did what the Anglo Saxons defined as voting with his feet: he went to Valencia. However, this report begins with Guggenheim’s titanium plate: in R í a de bilgenheim, Bilbao, this is a speculative image of the missing Catalan oasis. In Sabine etcheya, PNV’s historical headquarters: in the simple office of President Andoni ortuzar, without him, the Basque state has almost nothing. Since Bilbao, there has been indifference to Catalonia’s elections: after the uproar of the ibaretx plan and the end of ETA, the pact and stability have emerged in Basque Politics: society has avoided adventurism and found economic stability (in the chaos of the pandemic) and influence in Madrid.
It’s not easy to count Catalonia from Basque: the road is full of nasty comparisons, twisted or directly broken mirrors. In this article, entrepreneurs and trade unions, aberzar and former leaders of the people’s party and the Social Democratic Party, spokesmen for the Basque administration and representatives of Madrid’s nationalism, sociologists and political scientists gather: a dozen sources conclude that Catalonia and Basque countries are two clocks, their time is different, and emphasize that their role has been reversed. 25 years ago, Jos é Antonio ardanza accused Jordi Pujol of “arrogant contact” when talking about the Basque state; now Basque leaders are making every effort to ensure that such arrogant contact does not occur, but sometimes does. Twenty five years ago, Catalonia was a backwater of political stability, and the booming industrial economy had a strong impact on Madrid: These are the fragrance of Basque politics around Catalonia, in a small jar – Basque’s GDP and population account for about one third of Catalonia.
Economically, Catalonia is far from the Titanic that some predicted: the industrial downturn is obvious – Nissan is the archetype of the battle – and the flight of hundreds of companies has caused huge losses, but Catalonia’s economy is still strong, despite the impact of coved (and its impact on sectors such as tourism) on the economy Catalonia) has done more damage than litigation and instability. Catalonia’s recent boxing level is lower than its weight, contrary to the situation in Basque countries, partly due to economic coordination and partly due to social and political stability, which will recur in the next paragraph. Basques earn about 34000 euros a year, 10% more than Catalans. Catalonia’s unemployment rate is close to 14%, nearly four percentage points higher than that of Basque countries. Catalonia’s government debt is much higher; most socio-economic indicators reflect an anaemia that goes hand in hand with the management deficit accumulated in the previous year and contrasts sharply with the clear prospects of the Basque economy. This is reflected in indicators that go beyond the strict economic scope. The management of the epidemic has achieved mediocre results; Catalonia is the sixth autonomous region with the highest number of deaths per person, and according to the theory of high mortality, it is one of the worst countries in the world; on the other hand, Basque countries are not prepared to launch rockets on this side. But this report is not a profit and loss account: it’s a look at the Catalan entanglement in the Basque region: from their political parties, institutions and civil society.
“Spain’s political performance is poor: this process has led to Spanish nationalism, defending the country’s repression and stubborn response.” Andoni ortuzar offers a cup of coffee, sits behind a sturdy table and easily shoots titles. Don’t beat around the bush. This does not hide his sympathy for sovereignty, but there are also criticisms of Barcelona: “in terms of procedural management, short termism prevails; in Barcelona, there is a hegemonic struggle centered on flags and symbols, and in Madrid, Catalonia is used to turn Congress into a theme park of political confrontation, rather than a theme Park.” Concern was expressed about the use of the judicial system, which could not transition as other national authorities. Rajoy gave up any political approach to that eggplant. At the most tense time, he used force or justice, or a combination of the two, with a noble atmosphere of public opinion. ” “The political class in Catalonia outsources trials to the streets. After the diada incident 10 years ago, the leaders supported the demonstration. It’s strange to see the bourgeoisie in the street, because they are dissatisfied with the depiction of statues, the robbery in Madrid and the clumsiness of the state. But the political advantage of radicalism is out of control. ”
Altuzar stressed that Basque nationalism has never accepted unilateralism. “We may like the rules more or less, but we follow them.” Other differences were reviewed. “The main thing is ETA: with ETA dying out, we can’t turn a blind eye to the economic situation like Catalonia. Second, PNV never outsources political action to the streets. Third, in terms of scale, we have never thought about modernizing Spain, so we are not as frustrated as Catalans because we Basques have very low expectations of our country. But above all, the Basques are very clear about how the state works when it comes to this proposal: closing newspapers, banning political parties, and using justice as a hammer, let alone worse. Catalans think Madrid is afraid to answer this question: they are wrong, we warned them
“What was he singing after going through Rubicon’s unilateralism,” he recalled Ortuzar is either completely independent or nothing independent, and his party has been supporting pdecat with a small mouth. But the recent past seems a little – just a little – awkward: “the parties are not well measured, and perhaps lack the leadership and institutional sense that PNV knew at the critical moment: when Congress passed the ibarat plan and incorporated it into the constitution, we took part in the election; puygedmont moved on.” What about the future? “On the second day of the election, Catalonia must lay down its burden. It needs a government that is compatible with two things: managing once and for all, and finding ways of dialogue to guide political conflict. Most Basques and Catalans feel like Basques and Catalans, that’s all. I don’t object to Spain, but I think Basque: how can we formulate a formula for coexistence for the next 10 or 20 years, and everyone’s coffee will be included in the constitutional convention? I don’t know. “He wants to know.
Vitoria is not like Bilbao, but even if it is semi closed, it is also a charming city. Speaking at the Basque government headquarters, executive spokesman Bingen zupiria highlighted the two contrasts between Catalonia and Basque. “ETA’s violence is so obvious that it needs no explanation: fear marks the political or non political and subsequent stages of leadership over the years. When ETA was dissolved, Basque society remained nationalist, but no longer tolerated risk-taking. ” The second contrast is Basque’s “institutionalized way of decision-making”, PNV “is full of balance, it will one day play the role of CIU”. PNV is more or less on the opposite path to the Puyol Party: “after ibaretx, PNV lost power: Basque society punishes instability. This is a very serious time of crisis, and it is also a time of economic crisis. There, Inigo urquru managed to reach a new agreement with the socialists, which, with the end of ETA, created the framework of stability in which we are in. Strong leadership is needed in times of severe crisis. Catalan politics abused rhetoric and ceded leadership to the streets: it would never allow ortuza and urquru. Catalonia needs a turning point, a vent, but it’s not easy without calm, let alone strong leadership. ”
Even in PNV, the voice over of the Madrid game, aitor Esteban, flatly refused to “create a mirror game between Catalonia and Basque.”. He refused to make suggestions, but hoped to resume the dialogue from 14-F, “without maximizing the position, knowing that both sides must give in”, and invited in a telegram to the Social Democratic Party and the independent party to “finally yield without fear of criticism”. “For me, the most surprising thing about this trial is the result of the referendum,” he concluded. The state implemented decree 155 and gave the impression that no one urgently needed Catalonia to restore its institutions: the national police would act immediately. But we didn’t come to class, and we messed up his day. ”
Jon inarito is a young congressman. His party is working hand in hand with ERC on the so-called road to full independence. In the face of those who think that trial is a strategy of post puyolism, which ends the old convergence by accepting unilateral, iniaristo bears the burden of proof in Madrid: “it is the state that takes a unilateral position on the subsequent dialogue proposal; The response of the independents is to hold a consultative meeting, because they have been in this task since the election. The Catalan government’s response to the crackdown was negative, but it also damaged Spain’s image. Birdu’s leader, arnado otji, fought for ERC in Catalonia: “the battle of Catalonia is also ours.” But in the Basque area, the distance is obvious. “The Basques are at another stage. Basque countries do not have an ongoing process of Independence: according to inarito, the NPP is in another wave, and EHR birdu does not give up independence, but he emphasizes the ideological axis proposed by the left. Solution? “Put an end to the crackdown, but it’s a snowball that’s hard to stop: the independents may have succumbed to street pressure, but the state has also left the matter to the judiciary, and Spain’s judicial system is functioning as usual.”
Eduardo Madina, a former member of the PSOE and then archirival of Pedro s á nchez, from the family of Basque historical socialist radicals and a victim of the ETA attack in 2002, said the two communities “took two opposite paths.”. “For decades, Basque society has regarded Catalonia as a model of Coexistence – the stability and influence of puyolism, the promotion of Pasqual malagle, those games, double capitalism – while Basque people are a blood lake and a nest of the ascended.
The opposite is now happening: “the Basque state has come to the conclusion from the past that it has been committed to maintaining its stability, Catalonia has suspended the principle of reality and is living in the hustle and bustle of an illusion novel; Catalonia’s nationalism has wrongly estimated the power of it and the state, but failed to get rid of this film.” Basques are at another stage: “30% of the population don’t remember ETA. PNV chooses to absorb capacity through regulations and always ensures that it is funded, something Catalonia has never done: concerts and Catalonia financing are a key component of this mechanism. Basque nationalism in Basque countries is completely empty by law, while Catalans have chosen the path of Revolution: they do not know that there is another way, that is, university graduates in Deusto.
“After ETA ended, the so-called constitutional party couldn’t adapt: neither the people’s party nor the social party had a sound plan in Basque,” he complained. Borja s é mper, a former leader of the Basque people’s party, stressed that the different trajectories of the CIU and PNV explained many things: “ten years ago, PNV understood that putting pressure on Basque society could lead to disaster. The CIU has gone the opposite way, from the strange balance between permanent demands and contracts with the state to any place of unilateralism. The capitalization of Catalan political leaders and the overreaction of Madrid have not helped either. ”
Ram ó N J á uregui, a socialist, was minister in Madrid, and vicelehendakari, a Basque, admitted in San Sebastian that Catalonia was a “stubborn pessimist.” I don’t understand how Catalonians decided to leave the oasis and embark on an uncertain desert journey. In a 50% divided society, I don’t see any way out, activists are speeding up the pace of political parties, and there are still brutal tensions among prisoners. ” “In the Basque region, the end of ETA, such a Democratic victory over terrorism, the transformation of PNV and the desire for social stability make a transformation possible, and even the world of aberzar has joined in. But in Catalonia, this is not the case, everything is upside down; there is a lack of calm, “according to this excellent analysis.
Unai vizca í no, the leader of CC OO, a Basque sociopolitical erudite and deaf mute, stressed that Catalan separatism “entered a period of populism until the movement got out of control; when PNV saw the temptation of a certain trade union, it deviated from this path”. “Basque nationalism is a thousand times more pragmatic,” he added. But perhaps the biggest concern now is entrepreneurship. Enrique Portocarrero, head of the Basque entrepreneurial circle, said: “it’s very worrying that 19% of the Spanish economy has been burning for years.”. “Catalonia’s independence is totally irresponsible, acting unilaterally without the necessary support. In the medium term, the social movements that support it will inevitably die out. But we should all contribute to make this medium term as short as possible: Catalonia needs a governing government. ”
Braulio g ó mez, director of Deusto barometer, points out that the sociological characteristics of these two societies are quite different. “In Basque, independence is numb. 70% of the votes are for nationalist parties, and people want more autonomy, but society avoids everything that sounds confusing: even the greatest coffee makers don’t dream of independence in the short or medium term; in Catalonia, sovereignty gets less support, about 50%, However, more and more people want independence and want it to come true as soon as possible. ” In addition, Catalonia is “not interested in Basques,” according to the survey. “Now, Basque citizens don’t believe in the success of the trial, whether in the election or in the most tense period.” How about Madrid? “The no confidence motion against Rajoy has brought great benefits to PNV: it has supported PSOE in exchange for power, won influence, and produced an effective narrative, because it includes far right groups: support has no cost at home, just as it did in the era of CIU.” Political scientist Christina Ruiz buyedo added, “the romantic feeling of Basque nationalism has disappeared in terrorism, but it still has power in Catalonia. Yes, fatigue is beginning to become apparent, especially in epidemics. The desire for independence has lost its support for more secular demands: people want better management. ”
85 years ago, Manuel Chaves Nogales wrote in what happened in Catalonia: “separatism is a rare substance in the Political Laboratory of Madrid, used as a reagent of patriotism and as a binder of conservatives in Catalonia.”. “Between one demonstration and another, someone should rule,” he added in an article as fresh as lettuce. Once upon a time, Josep Plath asked the eternal question, “who pays? [who paid for all this? ]”。 At the end of Sabin etxea’s interview with the newspaper, Andoni ortuzar asked a similar question in his own way: “Basque citizens want more autonomy because they think they are well managed. Catalonia has been focusing on procedures, not management, for many years. In a pandemic, it’s hard to defend. “